By Malcolm X
April 3, 1964
Cleveland, Ohio
Mr. Moderator, Brother Lomax, brothers and sisters, friends and enemies:
I just can't believe everyone in here is a friend, and I don't want to
leave anybody out. The question tonight, as I understand it, is "The
Negro Revolt, and Where Do We Go From Here?" or What Next?" In my little
humble way of understanding it, it points toward either the ballot or
the bullet.
Before we try and explain what is meant by the ballot or the bullet, I
would like to clarify something concerning myself. I'm still a Muslim;
my religion is still Islam. That's my personal belief. Just as Adam
Clayton Powell is a Christian minister who heads the Abyssinian Baptist
Church in New York, but at the same time takes part in the political
struggles to try and bring about rights to the black people in this
country; and Dr. Martin Luther King is a Christian minister down in
Atlanta, Georgia, who heads another organization fighting for the civil
rights of black people in this country; and Reverend Galamison, I guess
you've heard of him, is another Christian minister in New York who has
been deeply involved in the school boycotts to eliminate segregated
education; well, I myself am a minister, not a Christian minister, but a
Muslim minister; and I believe in action on all fronts by whatever
means necessary.
Although I'm still a Muslim, I'm not here tonight to discuss my
religion. I'm not here to try and change your religion. I'm not here to
argue or discuss anything that we differ about, because it's time for us
to submerge our differences and realize that it is best for us to first
see that we have the same problem, a common problem, a problem that
will make you catch hell whether you're a Baptist, or a Methodist, or a
Muslim, or a nationalist. Whether you're educated or illiterate, whether
you live on the boulevard or in the alley, you're going to catch hell
just like I am. We're all in the same boat and we all are going to catch
the same hell from the same man. He just happens to be a white man. All
of us have suffered here, in this country, political oppression at the
hands of the white man, economic exploitation at the hands of the white
man, and social degradation at the hands of the white man.
Now in speaking like this, it doesn't mean that we're anti-white, but it
does mean we're anti-exploitation, we're anti-degradation, we're
anti-oppression. And if the white man doesn't want us to be anti-him,
let him stop oppressing and exploiting and degrading us. Whether we are
Christians or Muslims or nationalists or agnostics or atheists, we must
first learn to forget our differences. If we have differences, let us
differ in the closet; when we come out in front, let us not have
anything to argue about until we get finished arguing with the man. If
the late President Kennedy could get together with Khrushchev and
exchange some wheat, we certainly have more in common with each other
than Kennedy and Khrushchev had with each other.
If we don't do something real soon, I think you'll have to agree that
we're going to be forced either to use the ballot or the bullet. It's
one or the other in 1964. It isn't that time is running out -- time has
run out!
1964 threatens to be the most explosive year America has ever witnessed.
The most explosive year. Why? It's also a political year. It's the year
when all of the white politicians will be back in the so-called Negro
community jiving you and me for some votes. The year when all of the
white political crooks will be right back in your and my community with
their false promises, building up our hopes for a letdown, with their
trickery and their treachery, with their false promises which they don't
intend to keep. As they nourish these dissatisfactions, it can only
lead to one thing, an explosion; and now we have the type of black man
on the scene in America today -- I'm sorry, Brother Lomax -- who just
doesn't intend to turn the other cheek any longer.
Don't let anybody tell you anything about the odds are against you. If
they draft you, they send you to Korea and make you face 800 million
Chinese. If you can be brave over there, you can be brave right here.
These odds aren't as great as those odds. And if you fight here, you
will at least know what you're fighting for.
I'm not a politician, not even a student of politics; in fact, I'm not a
student of much of anything. I'm not a Democrat. I'm not a Republican,
and I don't even consider myself an American. If you and I were
Americans, there'd be no problem. Those Honkies that just got off the
boat, they're already Americans; Polacks are already Americans; the
Italian refugees are already Americans. Everything that came out of
Europe, every blue-eyed thing, is already an American. And as long as
you and I have been over here, we aren't Americans yet.
Well, I am one who doesn't believe in deluding myself. I'm not going to
sit at your table and watch you eat, with nothing on my plate, and call
myself a diner. Sitting at the table doesn't make you a diner, unless
you eat some of what's on that plate. Being here in America doesn't make
you an American. Being born here in America doesn't make you an
American. Why, if birth made you American, you wouldn't need any
legislation; you wouldn't need any amendments to the Constitution; you
wouldn't be faced with civil-rights filibustering in Washington, D.C.,
right now. They don't have to pass civil-rights legislation to make a
Polack an American.
No, I'm not an American. I'm one of the 22 million black people who are
the victims of Americanism. One of the 22 million black people who are
the victims of democracy, nothing but disguised hypocrisy. So, I'm not
standing here speaking to you as an American, or a patriot, or a
flag-saluter, or a flag-waver -- no, not I. I'm speaking as a victim of
this American system. And I see America through the eyes of the victim. I
don't see any American dream; I see an American nightmare.
These 22 million victims are waking up. Their eyes are coming open.
They're beginning to see what they used to only look at. They're
becoming politically mature. They are realizing that there are new
political trends from coast to coast. As they see these new political
trends, it's possible for them to see that every time there's an
election the races are so close that they have to have a recount. They
had to recount in Massachusetts to see who was going to be governor, it
was so close. It was the same way in Rhode Island, in Minnesota, and in
many other parts of the country. And the same with Kennedy and Nixon
when they ran for president. It was so close they had to count all over
again. Well, what does this mean? It means that when white people are
evenly divided, and black people have a bloc of votes of their own, it
is left up to them to determine who's going to sit in the White House
and who's going to be in the dog house.
lt. was the black man's vote that put the present administration in
Washington, D.C. Your vote, your dumb vote, your ignorant vote, your
wasted vote put in an administration in Washington, D.C., that has seen
fit to pass every kind of legislation imaginable, saving you until last,
then filibustering on top of that. And your and my leaders have the
audacity to run around clapping their hands and talk about how much
progress we're making. And what a good president we have. If he wasn't
good in Texas, he sure can't be good in Washington, D.C. Because Texas
is a lynch state. It is in the same breath as Mississippi, no different;
only they lynch you in Texas with a Texas accent and lynch you in
Mississippi with a Mississippi accent. And these Negro leaders have the
audacity to go and have some coffee in the White House with a Texan, a
Southern cracker -- that's all he is -- and then come out and tell you
and me that he's going to be better for us because, since he's from the
South, he knows how to deal with the Southerners. What kind of logic is
that? Let Eastland be president, he's from the South too. He should be
better able to deal with them than Johnson.
In this present administration they have in the House of Representatives
257 Democrats to only 177 Republicans. They control two-thirds of the
House vote. Why can't they pass something that will help you and me? In
the Senate, there are 67 senators who are of the Democratic Party. Only
33 of them are Republicans. Why, the Democrats have got the government
sewed up, and you're the one who sewed it up for them. And what have
they given you for it? Four years in office, and just now getting around
to some civil-rights legislation. Just now, after everything else is
gone, out of the way, they're going to sit down now and play with you
all summer long -- the same old giant con game that they call
filibuster. All those are in cahoots together. Don't you ever think
they're not in cahoots together, for the man that is heading the
civil-rights filibuster is a man from Georgia named Richard Russell.
When Johnson became president, the first man he asked for when he got
back to Washington, D.C., was "Dicky" -- that's how tight they are.
That's his boy, that's his pal, that's his buddy. But they're playing
that old con game. One of them makes believe he's for you, and he's got
it fixed where the other one is so tight against you, he never has to
keep his promise.
So it's time in 1964 to wake up. And when you see them coming up with
that kind of conspiracy, let them know your eyes are open. And let them
know you -- something else that's wide open too. It's got to be the
ballot or the bullet. The ballot or the bullet. If you're afraid to use
an expression like that, you should get on out of the country; you
should get back in the cotton patch; you should get back in the alley.
They get all the Negro vote, and after they get it, the Negro gets
nothing in return. All they did when they got to Washington was give a
few big Negroes big jobs. Those big Negroes didn't need big jobs, they
already had jobs. That's camouflage, that's trickery, that's treachery,
window-dressing. I'm not trying to knock out the Democrats for the
Republicans. We'll get to them in a minute. But it is true; you put the
Democrats first and the Democrats put you last.
Look at it the way it is. What alibis do they use, since they control
Congress and the Senate? What alibi do they use when you and I ask,
"Well, when are you going to keep your promise?" They blame the
Dixiecrats. What is a Dixiecrat? A Democrat. A Dixiecrat is nothing but a
Democrat in disguise. The titular head of the Democrats is also the
head of the Dixiecrats, because the Dixiecrats are a part of the
Democratic Party. The Democrats have never kicked the Dixiecrats out of
the party. The Dixiecrats bolted themselves once, but the Democrats
didn't put them out. Imagine, these lowdown Southern segregationists put
the Northern Democrats down. But the Northern Democrats have never put
the Dixiecrats down. No, look at that thing the way it is. They have got
a con game going on, a political con game, and you and I are in the
middle. It's time for you and me to wake up and start looking at it like
it is, and trying to understand it like it is; and then we can deal
with it like it is.
The Dixiecrats in Washington, D.C., control the key committees that run
the government. The only reason the Dixiecrats control these committees
is because they have seniority. The only reason they have seniority is
because they come from states where Negroes can't vote. This is not even
a government that's based on democracy. lt. is not a government that is
made up of representatives of the people. Half of the people in the
South can't even vote. Eastland is not even supposed to be in
Washington. Half of the senators and congressmen who occupy these key
positions in Washington, D.C., are there illegally, are there
unconstitutionally.
I was in Washington, D.C., a week ago Thursday, when they were debating
whether or not they should let the bill come onto the floor. And in the
back of the room where the Senate meets, there's a huge map of the
United States, and on that map it shows the location of Negroes
throughout the country. And it shows that the Southern section of the
country, the states that are most heavily concentrated with Negroes, are
the ones that have senators and congressmen standing up filibustering
and doing all other kinds of trickery to keep the Negro from being able
to vote. This is pitiful. But it's not pitiful for us any longer; it's
actually pitiful for the white man, because soon now, as the Negro
awakens a little more and sees the vise that he's in, sees the bag that
he's in, sees the real game that he's in, then the Negro's going to
develop a new tactic.
These senators and congressmen actually violate the constitutional
amendments that guarantee the people of that particular state or county
the right to vote. And the Constitution itself has within it the
machinery to expel any representative from a state where the voting
rights of the people are violated. You don't even need new legislation.
Any person in Congress right now, who is there from a state or a
district where the voting rights of the people are violated, that
particular person should be expelled from Congress. And when you expel
him, you've removed one of the obstacles in the path of any real
meaningful legislation in this country. In fact, when you expel them,
you don't need new legislation, because they will be replaced by black
representatives from counties and districts where the black man is in
the majority, not in the minority.
If the black man in these Southern states had his full voting rights,
the key Dixiecrats in Washington, D. C., which means the key Democrats
in Washington, D.C., would lose their seats. The Democratic Party itself
would lose its power. It would cease to be powerful as a party. When
you see the amount of power that would be lost by the Democratic Party
if it were to lose the Dixiecrat wing, or branch, or element, you can
see where it's against the interests of the Democrats to give voting
rights to Negroes in states where the Democrats have been in complete
power and authority ever since the Civil War. You just can't belong to
that Party without analyzing it.
I say again, I'm not anti-Democrat, I'm not anti-Republican, I'm not
anti-anything. I'm just questioning their sincerity, and some of the
strategy that they've been using on our people by promising them
promises that they don't intend to keep. When you keep the Democrats in
power, you're keeping the Dixiecrats in power. I doubt that my good
Brother Lomax will deny that. A vote for a Democrat is a vote for a
Dixiecrat. That's why, in 1964, it's time now for you and me to become
more politically mature and realize what the ballot is for; what we're
supposed to get when we cast a ballot; and that if we don't cast a
ballot, it's going to end up in a situation where we're going to have to
cast a bullet. It's either a ballot or a bullet.
In the North, they do it a different way. They have a system that's
known as gerrymandering, whatever that means. It means when Negroes
become too heavily concentrated in a certain area, and begin to gain too
much political power, the white man comes along and changes the
district lines. You may say, "Why do you keep saying white man?" Because
it's the white man who does it. I haven't ever seen any Negro changing
any lines. They don't let him get near the line. It's the white man who
does this. And usually, it's the white man who grins at you the most,
and pats you on the back, and is supposed to be your friend. He may be
friendly, but he's not your friend.
So, what I'm trying to impress upon you, in essence, is this: You and I
in America are faced not with a segregationist conspiracy, we're faced
with a government conspiracy. Everyone who's filibustering is a senator
-- that's the government. Everyone who's finagling in Washington, D.C.,
is a congressman -- that's the government. You don't have anybody
putting blocks in your path but people who are a part of the government.
The same government that you go abroad to fight for and die for is the
government that is in a conspiracy to deprive you of your voting rights,
deprive you of your economic opportunities, deprive you of decent
housing, deprive you of decent education. You don't need to go to the
employer alone, it is the government itself, the government of America,
that is responsible for the oppression and exploitation and degradation
of black people in this country. And you should drop it in their lap.
This government has failed the Negro. This so-called democracy has
failed the Negro. And all these white liberals have definitely failed
the Negro.
So, where do we go from here? First, we need some friends. We need some
new allies. The entire civil-rights struggle needs a new interpretation,
a broader interpretation. We need to look at this civil-rights thing
from another angle -- from the inside as well as from the outside. To
those of us whose philosophy is black nationalism, the only way you can
get involved in the civil-rights struggle is give it a new
interpretation. That old interpretation excluded us. It kept us out. So,
we're giving a new interpretation to the civil-rights struggle, an
interpretation that will enable us to come into it, take part in it. And
these handkerchief-heads who have been dillydallying and pussy footing
and compromising -- we don't intend to let them pussyfoot and dillydally
and compromise any longer.
How can you thank a man for giving you what's already yours? How then
can you thank him for giving you only part of what's already yours? You
haven't even made progress, if what's being given to you, you should
have had already. That's not progress. And I love my Brother Lomax, the
way he pointed out we're right back where we were in 1954. We're not
even as far up as we were in 1954. We're behind where we were in 1954.
There's more segregation now than there was in 1954. There's more racial
animosity, more racial hatred, more racial violence today in 1964, than
there was in 1954. Where is the progress?
And now you're facing a situation where the young Negro's coming up.
They don't want to hear that "turn the-other-cheek" stuff, no. In
Jacksonville, those were teenagers, they were throwing Molotov
cocktails. Negroes have never done that before. But it shows you there's
a new deal coming in. There's new thinking coming in. There's new
strategy coming in. It'll be Molotov cocktails this month, hand grenades
next month, and something else next month. It'll be ballots, or it'll
be bullets. It'll be liberty, or it will be death. The only difference
about this kind of death -- it'll be reciprocal. You know what is meant
by "reciprocal"? That's one of Brother Lomax's words. I stole it from
him. I don't usually deal with those big words because I don't usually
deal with big people. I deal with small people. I find you can get a
whole lot of small people and whip hell out of a whole lot of big
people. They haven't got anything to lose, and they've got every thing
to gain. And they'll let you know in a minute: "It takes two to tango;
when I go, you go."
The black nationalists, those whose philosophy is black nationalism, in
bringing about this new interpretation of the entire meaning of civil
rights, look upon it as meaning, as Brother Lomax has pointed out,
equality of opportunity. Well, we're justified in seeking civil rights,
if it means equality of opportunity, because all we're doing there is
trying to collect for our investment. Our mothers and fathers invested
sweat and blood. Three hundred and ten years we worked in this country
without a dime in return -- I mean without a dime in return. You let the
white man walk around here talking about how rich this country is, but
you never stop to think how it got rich so quick. It got rich because
you made it rich.
You take the people who are in this audience right now. They're poor.
We're all poor as individuals. Our weekly salary individually amounts to
hardly anything. But if you take the salary of everyone in here
collectively, it'll fill up a whole lot of baskets. It's a lot of
wealth. If you can collect the wages of just these people right here for
a year, you'll be rich -- richer than rich. When you look at it like
that, think how rich Uncle Sam had to become, not with this handful, but
millions of black people. Your and my mother and father, who didn't
work an eight-hour shift, but worked from "can't see" in the morning
until "can't see" at night, and worked for nothing, making the white man
rich, making Uncle Sam rich. This is our investment. This is our
contribution, our blood.
Not only did we give of our free labor, we gave of our blood. Every time
he had a call to arms, we were the first ones in uniform. We died on
every battlefield the white man had. We have made a greater sacrifice
than anybody who's standing up in America today. We have made a greater
contribution and have collected less. Civil rights, for those of us
whose philosophy is black nationalism, means: "Give it to us now. Don't
wait for next year. Give it to us yesterday, and that's not fast
enough."
I might stop right here to point out one thing. Whenever you're going
after something that belongs to you, anyone who's depriving you of the
right to have it is a criminal. Understand that. Whenever you are going
after something that is yours, you are within your legal rights to lay
claim to it. And anyone who puts forth any effort to deprive you of that
which is yours, is breaking the law, is a criminal. And this was
pointed out by the Supreme Court decision. It outlawed segregation.
Which means segregation is against the law. Which means a segregationist
is breaking the law. A segregationist is a criminal. You can't label
him as anything other than that. And when you demonstrate against
segregation, the law is on your side. The Supreme Court is on your side.
Now, who is it that opposes you in carrying out the law? The police
department itself. With police dogs and clubs. Whenever you demonstrate
against segregation, whether it is segregated education, segregated
housing, or anything else, the law is on your side, and anyone who
stands in the way is not the law any longer. They are breaking the law;
they are not representatives of the law. Any time you demonstrate
against segregation and a man has the audacity to put a police dog on
you, kill that dog, kill him, I'm telling you, kill that dog. I say it,
if they put me in jail tomorrow, kill that dog. Then you'll put a stop
to it. Now, if these white people in here don't want to see that kind of
action, get down and tell the mayor to tell the police department to
pull the dogs in. That's all you have to do. If you don't do it, someone
else will.
If you don't take this kind of stand, your little children will grow up
and look at you and think "shame." If you don't take an uncompromising
stand, I don't mean go out and get violent; but at the same time you
should never be nonviolent unless you run into some nonviolence. I'm
nonviolent with those who are nonviolent with me. But when you drop that
violence on me, then you've made me go insane, and I'm not responsible
for what I do. And that's the way every Negro should get. Any time you
know you're within the law, within your legal rights, within your moral
rights, in accord with justice, then die for what you believe in. But
don't die alone. Let your dying be reciprocal. This is what is meant by
equality. What's good for the goose is good for the gander.
When we begin to get in this area, we need new friends, we need new
allies. We need to expand the civil-rights struggle to a higher level --
to the level of human rights. Whenever you are in a civil-rights
struggle, whether you know it or not, you are confining yourself to the
jurisdiction of Uncle Sam. No one from the outside world can speak out
in your behalf as long as your struggle is a civil-rights struggle.
Civil rights comes within the domestic affairs of this country. All of
our African brothers and our Asian brothers and our Latin-American
brothers cannot open their mouths and interfere in the domestic affairs
of the United States. And as long as it's civil rights, this comes under
the jurisdiction of Uncle Sam.
But the United Nations has what's known as the charter of human rights;
it has a committee that deals in human rights. You may wonder why all of
the atrocities that have been committed in Africa and in Hungary and in
Asia, and in Latin America are brought before the UN, and the Negro
problem is never brought before the UN. This is part of the conspiracy.
This old, tricky blue eyed liberal who is supposed to be your and my
friend, supposed to be in our corner, supposed to be subsidizing our
struggle, and supposed to be acting in the capacity of an adviser, never
tells you anything about human rights. They keep you wrapped up in
civil rights. And you spend so much time barking up the civil-rights
tree, you don't even know there's a human-rights tree on the same floor.
When you expand the civil-rights struggle to the level of human rights,
you can then take the case of the black man in this country before the
nations in the UN. You can take it before the General Assembly. You can
take Uncle Sam before a world court. But the only level you can do it on
is the level of human rights. Civil rights keeps you under his
restrictions, under his jurisdiction. Civil rights keeps you in his
pocket. Civil rights means you're asking Uncle Sam to treat you right.
Human rights are something you were born with. Human rights are your
God-given rights. Human rights are the rights that are recognized by all
nations of this earth. And any time any one violates your human rights,
you can take them to the world court.
Uncle Sam's hands are dripping with blood, dripping with the blood of
the black man in this country. He's the earth's number-one hypocrite. He
has the audacity -- yes, he has -- imagine him posing as the leader of
the free world. The free world! And you over here singing "We Shall
Overcome." Expand the civil-rights struggle to the level of human
rights. Take it into the United Nations, where our African brothers can
throw their weight on our side, where our Asian brothers can throw their
weight on our side, where our Latin-American brothers can throw their
weight on our side, and where 800 million Chinamen are sitting there
waiting to throw their weight on our side.
Let the world know how bloody his hands are. Let the world know the
hypocrisy that's practiced over here. Let it be the ballot or the
bullet. Let him know that it must be the ballot or the bullet.
When you take your case to Washington, D.C., you're taking it to the
criminal who's responsible; it's like running from the wolf to the fox.
They're all in cahoots together. They all work political chicanery and
make you look like a chump before the eyes of the world. Here you are
walking around in America, getting ready to be drafted and sent abroad,
like a tin soldier, and when you get over there, people ask you what are
you fighting for, and you have to stick your tongue in your cheek. No,
take Uncle Sam to court, take him before the world.
By ballot I only mean freedom. Don't you know -- I disagree with Lomax
on this issue -- that the ballot is more important than the dollar? Can I
prove it? Yes. Look in the UN. There are poor nations in the UN; yet
those poor nations can get together with their voting power and keep the
rich nations from making a move. They have one nation -- one vote,
everyone has an equal vote. And when those brothers from Asia, and
Africa and the darker parts of this earth get together, their voting
power is sufficient to hold Sam in check. Or Russia in check. Or some
other section of the earth in check. So, the ballot is most important.
Right now, in this country, if you and I, 22 million African-Americans
-- that's what we are -- Africans who are in America. You're nothing but
Africans. Nothing but Africans. In fact, you'd get farther calling
yourself African instead of Negro. Africans don't catch hell. You're the
only one catching hell. They don't have to pass civil-rights bills for
Africans. An African can go anywhere he wants right now. All you've got
to do is tie your head up. That's right, go anywhere you want. Just stop
being a Negro. Change your name to Hoogagagooba. That'll show you how
silly the white man is. You're dealing with a silly man. A friend of
mine who's very dark put a turban on his head and went into a restaurant
in Atlanta before they called themselves desegregated. He went into a
white restaurant, he sat down, they served him, and he said, "What would
happen if a Negro came in here? And there he's sitting, black as night,
but because he had his head wrapped up the waitress looked back at him
and says, "Why, there wouldn't no nigger dare come in here."
So, you're dealing with a man whose bias and prejudice are making him
lose his mind, his intelligence, every day. He's frightened. He looks
around and sees what's taking place on this earth, and he sees that the
pendulum of time is swinging in your direction. The dark people are
waking up. They're losing their fear of the white man. No place where
he's fighting right now is he winning. Everywhere he's fighting, he's
fighting someone your and my complexion. And they're beating him. He
can't win any more. He's won his last battle. He failed to win the
Korean War. He couldn't win it. He had to sign a truce. That's a loss.
Any time Uncle Sam, with all his machinery for warfare, is held to a
draw by some rice eaters, he's lost the battle. He had to sign a truce.
America's not supposed to sign a truce. She's supposed to be bad. But
she's not bad any more. She's bad as long as she can use her hydrogen
bomb, but she can't use hers for fear Russia might use hers. Russia
can't use hers, for fear that Sam might use his. So, both of them are
weapon-less. They can't use the weapon because each's weapon nullifies
the other's. So the only place where action can take place is on the
ground. And the white man can't win another war fighting on the ground.
Those days are over The black man knows it, the brown man knows it, the
red man knows it, and the yellow man knows it. So they engage him in
guerrilla warfare. That's not his style. You've got to have heart to be a
guerrilla warrior, and he hasn't got any heart. I'm telling you now.
I just want to give you a little briefing on guerrilla warfare because,
before you know it, before you know it. It takes heart to be a guerrilla
warrior because you're on your own. In conventional warfare you have
tanks and a whole lot of other people with you to back you up -- planes
over your head and all that kind of stuff. But a guerrilla is on his
own. All you have is a rifle, some sneakers and a bowl of rice, and
that's all you need -- and a lot of heart. The Japanese on some of those
islands in the Pacific, when the American soldiers landed, one Japanese
sometimes could hold the whole army off. He'd just wait until the sun
went down, and when the sun went down they were all equal. He would take
his little blade and slip from bush to bush, and from American to
American. The white soldiers couldn't cope with that. Whenever you see a
white soldier that fought in the Pacific, he has the shakes, he has a
nervous condition, because they scared him to death.
The same thing happened to the French up in French Indochina. People who
just a few years previously were rice farmers got together and ran the
heavily-mechanized French army out of Indochina. You don't need it --
modern warfare today won't work. This is the day of the guerrilla. They
did the same thing in Algeria. Algerians, who were nothing but Bedouins,
took a rine and sneaked off to the hills, and de Gaulle and all of his
highfalutin' war machinery couldn't defeat those guerrillas. Nowhere on
this earth does the white man win in a guerrilla warfare. It's not his
speed. Just as guerrilla warfare is prevailing in Asia and in parts of
Africa and in parts of Latin America, you've got to be mighty naive, or
you've got to play the black man cheap, if you don't think some day he's
going to wake up and find that it's got to be the ballot or the bullet.
l would like to say, in closing, a few things concerning the Muslim
Mosque, Inc., which we established recently in New York City. It's true
we're Muslims and our religion is Islam, but we don't mix our religion
with our politics and our economics and our social and civil activities
-- not any more We keep our religion in our mosque. After our religious
services are over, then as Muslims we become involved in political
action, economic action and social and civic action. We become involved
with anybody, any where, any time and in any manner that's designed to
eliminate the evils, the political, economic and social evils that are
afflicting the people of our community.
The political philosophy of black nationalism means that the black man
should control the politics and the politicians in his own community; no
more. The black man in the black community has to be re-educated into
the science of politics so he will know what politics is supposed to
bring him in return. Don't be throwing out any ballots. A ballot is like
a bullet. You don't throw your ballots until you see a target, and if
that target is not within your reach, keep your ballot in your pocket.
The political philosophy of black nationalism is being taught in the
Christian church. It's being taught in the NAACP. It's being taught in
CORE meetings. It's being taught in SNCC Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee meetings. It's being taught in Muslim meetings. It's being
taught where nothing but atheists and agnostics come together. It's
being taught everywhere. Black people are fed up with the dillydallying,
pussyfooting, compromising approach that we've been using toward
getting our freedom. We want freedom now, but we're not going to get it
saying "We Shall Overcome." We've got to fight until we overcome.
The economic philosophy of black nationalism is pure and simple. It only
means that we should control the economy of our community. Why should
white people be running all the stores in our community? Why should
white people be running the banks of our community? Why should the
economy of our community be in the hands of the white man? Why? If a
black man can't move his store into a white community, you tell me why a
white man should move his store into a black community. The philosophy
of black nationalism involves a re-education program in the black
community in regards to economics. Our people have to be made to see
that any time you take your dollar out of your community and spend it in
a community where you don't live, the community where you live will get
poorer and poorer, and the community where you spend your money will
get richer and richer.
Then you wonder why where you live is always a ghetto or a slum area.
And where you and I are concerned, not only do we lose it when we spend
it out of the community, but the white man has got all our stores in the
community tied up; so that though we spend it in the community, at
sundown the man who runs the store takes it over across town somewhere.
He's got us in a vise.
So the economic philosophy of black nationalism means in every church,
in every civic organization, in every fraternal order, it's time now for
our people to be come conscious of the importance of controlling the
economy of our community. If we own the stores, if we operate the
businesses, if we try and establish some industry in our own community,
then we're developing to the position where we are creating employment
for our own kind. Once you gain control of the economy of your own
community, then you don't have to picket and boycott and beg some
cracker downtown for a job in his business.
The social philosophy of black nationalism only means that we have to
get together and remove the evils, the vices, alcoholism, drug
addiction, and other evils that are destroying the moral fiber of our
community. We our selves have to lift the level of our community, the
standard of our community to a higher level, make our own society
beautiful so that we will be satisfied in our own social circles and
won't be running around here trying to knock our way into a social
circle where we're not wanted. So I say, in spreading a gospel such as
black nationalism, it is not designed to make the black man re-evaluate
the white man -- you know him already -- but to make the black man
re-evaluate himself. Don't change the white man's mind -- you can't
change his mind, and that whole thing about appealing to the moral
conscience of America -- America's conscience is bankrupt. She lost all
conscience a long time ago. Uncle Sam has no conscience.
They don't know what morals are. They don't try and eliminate an evil
because it's evil, or because it's illegal, or because it's immoral;
they eliminate it only when it threatens their existence. So you're
wasting your time appealing to the moral conscience of a bankrupt man
like Uncle Sam. If he had a conscience, he'd straighten this thing out
with no more pressure being put upon him. So it is not necessary to
change the white man's mind. We have to change our own mind. You can't
change his mind about us. We've got to change our own minds about each
other. We have to see each other with new eyes. We have to see each
other as brothers and sisters. We have to come together with warmth so
we can develop unity and harmony that's necessary to get this problem
solved ourselves. How can we do this? How can we avoid jealousy? How can
we avoid the suspicion and the divisions that exist in the community?
I'll tell you how.
I have watched how Billy Graham comes into a city, spreading what he
calls the gospel of Christ, which is only white nationalism. That's what
he is. Billy Graham is a white nationalist; I'm a black nationalist.
But since it's the natural tendency for leaders to be jealous and look
upon a powerful figure like Graham with suspicion and envy, how is it
possible for him to come into a city and get all the cooperation of the
church leaders? Don't think because they're church leaders that they
don't have weaknesses that make them envious and jealous -- no,
everybody's got it. It's not an accident that when they want to choose a
cardinal, as Pope I over there in Rome, they get in a closet so you
can't hear them cussing and fighting and carrying on.
Billy Graham comes in preaching the gospel of Christ. He evangelizes the
gospel. He stirs everybody up, but he never tries to start a church. If
he came in trying to start a church, all the churches would be against
him. So, he just comes in talking about Christ and tells everybody who
gets Christ to go to any church where Christ is; and in this way the
church cooperates with him. So we're going to take a page from his book.
Our gospel is black nationalism. We're not trying to threaten the
existence of any organization, but we're spreading the gospel of black
nationalism. Anywhere there's a church that is also preaching and
practicing the gospel of black nationalism, join that church. If the
NAACP is preaching and practicing the gospel of black nationalism, join
the NAACP. If CORE is spreading and practicing the gospel of black
nationalism, join CORE. Join any organization that has a gospel that's
for the uplift of the black man. And when you get into it and see them
pussyfooting or compromising, pull out of it because that's not black
nationalism. We'll find another one.
And in this manner, the organizations will increase in number and in
quantity and in quality, and by August, it is then our intention to have
a black nationalist convention which will consist of delegates from all
over the country who are interested in the political, economic and
social philosophy of black nationalism. After these delegates convene,
we will hold a seminar; we will hold discussions; we will listen to
everyone. We want to hear new ideas and new solutions and new answers.
And at that time, if we see fit then to form a black nationalist party,
we'll form a black nationalist party. If it's necessary to form a black
nationalist army, we'll form a black nationalist army. It'll be the
ballot or the bullet. It'll be liberty or it'll be death.
It's time for you and me to stop sitting in this country, letting some
cracker senators, Northern crackers and Southern crackers, sit there in
Washington, D.C., and come to a conclusion in their mind that you and I
are supposed to have civil rights. There's no white man going to tell me
anything about my rights. Brothers and sisters, always remember, if it
doesn't take senators and congressmen and presidential proclamations to
give freedom to the white man, it is not necessary for legislation or
proclamation or Supreme Court decisions to give freedom to the black
man. You let that white man know, if this is a country of freedom, let
it be a country of freedom; and if it's not a country of freedom, change
it.
We will work with anybody, anywhere, at any time, who is genuinely
interested in tackling the problem head-on, nonviolently as long as the
enemy is nonviolent, but violent when the enemy gets violent. We'll work
with you on the voter-registration drive, we'll work with you on rent
strikes, we'll work with you on school boycotts; I don't believe in any
kind of integration; I'm not even worried about it, because I know
you're not going to get it anyway; you're not going to get it because
you're afraid to die; you've got to be ready to die if you try and force
yourself on the white man, because he'll get just as violent as those
crackers in Mississippi, right here in Cleveland. But we will still work
with you on the school boycotts be cause we're against a segregated
school system. A segregated school system produces children who, when
they graduate, graduate with crippled minds. But this does not mean that
a school is segregated because it's all black. A segregated school
means a school that is controlled by people who have no real interest in
it whatsoever.
Let me explain what I mean. A segregated district or community is a
community in which people live, but outsiders control the politics and
the economy of that community. They never refer to the white section as a
segregated community. It's the all-Negro section that's a segregated
community. Why? The white man controls his own school, his own bank, his
own economy, his own politics, his own everything, his own community;
but he also controls yours. When you're under someone else's control,
you're segregated. They'll always give you the lowest or the worst that
there is to offer, but it doesn't mean you're segregated just because
you have your own. You've got to control your own. Just like the white
man has control of his, you need to control yours.
You know the best way to get rid of segregation? The white man is more
afraid of separation than he is of integration. Segregation means that
he puts you away from him, but not far enough for you to be out of his
jurisdiction; separation means you're gone. And the white man will
integrate faster than he'll let you separate. So we will work with you
against the segregated school system because it's criminal, because it
is absolutely destructive, in every way imaginable, to the minds of the
children who have to be exposed to that type of crippling education.
Last but not least, I must say this concerning the great controversy
over rifles and shotguns. The only thing that I've ever said is that in
areas where the government has proven itself either unwilling or unable
to defend the lives and the property of Negroes, it's time for Negroes
to defend themselves. Article number two of the constitutional
amendments provides you and me the right to own a rifle or a shotgun. It
is constitutionally legal to own a shotgun or a rifle. This doesn't
mean you're going to get a rifle and form battalions and go out looking
for white folks, although you'd be within your rights -- I mean, you'd
be justified; but that would be illegal and we don't do anything
illegal. If the white man doesn't want the black man buying rifles and
shotguns, then let the government do its job.
That's all. And don't let the white man come to you and ask you what you
think about what Malcolm says -- why, you old Uncle Tom. He would never
ask you if he thought you were going to say, "Amen!" No, he is making a
Tom out of you." So, this doesn't mean forming rifle clubs and going
out looking for people, but it is time, in 1964, if you are a man, to
let that man know.
If he's not going to do his job in running the government and providing
you and me with the protection that our taxes are supposed to be for,
since he spends all those billions for his defense budget, he certainly
can't begrudge you and me spending $12 or $15 for a single-shot, or
double-action. I hope you understand. Don't go out shooting people, but
any time -- brothers and sisters, and especially the men in this
audience; some of you wearing Congressional Medals of Honor, with
shoulders this wide, chests this big, muscles that big -- any time you
and I sit around and read where they bomb a church and murder in cold
blood, not some grownups, but four little girls while they were praying
to the same God the white man taught them to pray to, and you and I see
the government go down and can't find who did it.
Why, this man -- he can find Eichmann hiding down in Argentina
somewhere. Let two or three American soldiers, who are minding somebody
else's business way over in South Vietnam, get killed, and he'll send
battleships, sticking his nose in their business. He wanted to send
troops down to Cuba and make them have what he calls free elections --
this old cracker who doesn't have free elections in his own country.
No, if you never see me another time in your life, if I die in the
morning, I'll die saying one thing: the ballot or the bullet, the ballot
or the bullet.
If a Negro in 1964 has to sit around and wait for some cracker senator
to filibuster when it comes to the rights of black people, why, you and I
should hang our heads in shame. You talk about a march on Washington in
1963, you haven't seen anything. There's some more going down in '64.
And this time they're not going like they went last year. They're not
going singing ''We Shall Overcome." They're not going with white
friends. They're not going with placards already painted for them.
They're not going with round-trip tickets. They're going with one way
tickets. And if they don't want that non-nonviolent army going down
there, tell them to bring the filibuster to a halt.
The black nationalists aren't going to wait. Lyndon B. Johnson is the
head of the Democratic Party. If he's for civil rights, let him go into
the Senate next week and declare himself. Let him go in there right now
and declare himself. Let him go in there and denounce the Southern
branch of his party. Let him go in there right now and take a moral
stand -- right now, not later. Tell him, don't wait until election time.
If he waits too long, brothers and sisters, he will be responsible for
letting a condition develop in this country which will create a climate
that will bring seeds up out of the ground with vegetation on the end of
them looking like something these people never dreamed of. In 1964,
it's the ballot or the bullet.
Thank you.
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